20 November 2012

Where was India’s Tibet Policy?

Issue Book Excerpt: 1962 and the McMahon Line Saga | Date : 20 Nov , 2012 


China Invades Tibet: ‘The Gods are on Our Side!’ 

Before studying a non-existent India’s Tibet Policy, it is necessary to go back to the Fall of 1950. Before this, the Indian Government had probably never thought of the necessity of having a Tibet Policy, though back in August 1950, the rumours of an impending Chinese attack had trickled in; it did not bother anybody in the Summer of Delhi. 

The demise of Sardar Patel, holder of a more holistic vision on the security issues of the Indian border, stopped the search for a Tibet Policy with all the consequences which can be seen today. 

K.M. Panikkar, the Indian Ambassador in China knew about it; he was aware that the PLA’s troops had already entered some Chinese-controlled areas of Kham.1 In a communication to the Chinese Foreign Office on October 2, 1950, he told the Chinese that the Tibetan delegation, at that time in India, would be shortly leaving for Peking for negotiations; the Indian Ambassador expressed the hope that further military action would, therefore, not be necessary. “It will help the peaceful settlement of the Tibetan question if the Chinese troops which might have entered territory under the jurisdiction of the Lhasa authorities could restrict themselves to western Sikang.”2 

A STRONG AND STABLE PAKISTAN IS NOT IN INDIA’S BEST INTERESTS



A strong and stable Pakistan is not in India's best interests
 

If you have been following the debate over the resumption of talks with Pakistan, then you will be startled by the kinds of arguments that are put forward by the proponents of dialogue. If, on the other hand, you are a hack of long standing like me, then you’ve probably heard it all before. I know I have heard versions of the same argument being recycled year after year, decade after decade.

Here is a small sample of what you’re probably hearing – and a short explanation about why it makes very little sense.

One: A strong and stable Pakistan is in India’s best interests.

This argument is as old as the hills. The underlying assumption is that were Pakistan to break up, thousands of mad militants would attack India. There is a tiny grain of truth to this view so I will not dismiss it out of hand but consider the opposite view.

In 1971, Pakistan broke up. Half of the country actually seceded and became Bangladesh. The immediate consequence of this weak and enfeebled Pakistan was two decades of peace. Throughout the 70s and the 80s, we had very little trouble from Islamabad. Plus, with East Pakistan gone, funding for rebels in Nagaland and Mizoram dried up. Consequently, both problems were solved and the insurgencies ended.

India’s governance at cross roads – will we be able to bite the bullet?


20 November 2012

In 2011 “a total number of 84 districts in India witnessed violent activities of some nature…”, while 119 more districts reported Naxalite presence in the form of “over-ground activity of the Front Organizations of the CPI (Maoist) and other LWE (Left Wing Extremist) outfits”. Thus, “the total number of such districts (LWE affected) in 2011 was 203 …” –Union Minister of State for Home Affairs replying to question No 1943 in Rajya Sabha on 29 Aug 2012.


Do you need any other evidence? The Government is ineffective and is unable to deliver. There are any number of laws, rules and regulations in India which are meant to guide the Government and its agencies to function, provide public services, curb crimes, regulate businesses and ensure justice and fair play. Yet, what we witness is chaos, poverty, injustice, increasing crimes and delays. Lack of accountability is visible in every activity that is transparent to the public. God alone knows what is happening in other invisible spheres of Governmental functioning. Obviously something is drastically wrong.

Our system of Governance was evolved during the British days. Accordingly, the system that we have inherited relates to the then prevailing circumstances, objectives of the rulers, populace, their level of education and other enabling tools available to the rulers for governance. Unfortunately, we have been flogging the system endlessly which has apparently broken down. 

India-Japan Join Hands to Challenge China’s Rare Earth Monopoly

IDSA COMMENT 


November 20, 2012 

The Indian Prime Minister was forced to cancel his planned visit to Japan this month after the Japanese government dissolved the lower house of parliament and announced early elections. An important trade pact in respect of rare earth materials was proposed to be signed during the visit. Fortunately, the cancellation of the Indian Prime Minister’s visit has not come in the way of the realisation of this pact. On November 16, a trade pact allowing the import of 4100 tonnes of Rare Earth Elements (REE) material (amounts to roughly 10 to 15 per cent of Japan's peak annual demand) from India has been signed by the two countries. This clearly indicates the importance and urgency of getting the deal through. 

China presently controls almost 97 per cent of the world’s REE market and has developed a monopolistic hold on it. Japan is the world’s largest importer of REE, mainly because of its major industrial base in electronics and the consequent demand for a significant amount of REE. REEs are required for computers, laptops and televisions. They also have significant usage in mobile telephony and Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) equipment. Countries are overprotective about imports and exports of REEs because of their utility in strategic sectors such as missiles. For sometime now China has been found linking exports of REEs to Japan with territorial disputes. Naturally, Japan has been on the lookout for alternate supply chains. Sensing this opportunity India is trying to fill the void, at least partially. 

Delhi on duty

Tue Nov 20 2012



At the East Asia Summit, India must articulate its political obligations in the region

At the annual East Asia Summit (EAS) in Phnom Penh this week, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh must address the many questions on where India stands in the rapidly deteriorating regional security environment.

Two decades ago, when India began its pivot to Asia, in the name of “Looking East”, the region was sceptical about Delhi’s role in promoting East Asian peace or prosperity. India then was eager to reconnect with Asia, after having turned its back on it since the mid-1950s, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) rather hesitantly opened the door for Delhi. Now the region wants India to actively contribute to the construction of a stable balance of power in Asia. Delhi, however, seems preoccupied with its own concerns. Bridging the gap between India’s potential and performance in East Asia is emerging as a long-term policy challenge for Delhi.

Asia Pacific – The Great Game and India

November 19, 2012 by Team SAI
Filed under foreign policy

What the Pivot Means

Before the heat of US elections and Chinese transition of power cooled off, the well times East Asia Summit and the ASEAN meet at Phnom Phen has focused world attention on SE Asia. With President Obama, Prime Minister Wen Zia Bao and Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh participating in the conference, the great game in Asia-Pacific is entering an interesting stage of global geopolitics, especially in view of America’s ‘Pivot’ to the East. Combined with India’s “Look East” Policy the three major players in this game US, China and India are jostling for influence in the region. What happens now?

As per security analysts, this Obama initiative is a part of US strategy of containing China in Asia-Pacific while China is keen to exert its influence in its soft under belly by retaining its strategic hold over ASEAN countries. India, which has great stakes in both expanding ASEAN and using its geographical leverage in Indo – Pacific (Indian and Pacific Oceans) to contain China’s hagemonistic rise in the region is being wooed strongly by the US to become its strategic partner. As per Chidanand Rajghatta, in an opinion piece in the Times of India of Nov 17, titled “With one eye on Beijing, US signals “ full embrace of Delhi”, leaving little doubt that the US sees India as a counter weight to China regardless of what China, India itself and the rest of the world thinks of the idea and their response to it. President Obama’s visits to Myanmar (also called Burma) Thailand and Cambodia are part of this larger game to make new allies in the region. Monika Chansoria of CLAWS, quotes US State Department official, William Burns as stating that “A healthy US – China relationship is central to the future of the Asia-Pacific region and the global economy”. As per her, the sentiment notwithstanding the conflict and cooperation between their relations cannot be considered as mutually exclusive. Chinese state media has for some time now viewed ‘security rebalancing’ as inimical to Chinese interests in the region and have opined that “China has become a firm strategic target of the US”. Chinese media is also weary of the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) as a new economic and trade model in Asia pacific marginalising China. As per Kaplan, “Unquestionably, there is deep strategic mistrust between the two countries. China’s rapid economic growth, steady military modernization, and relentless nationalistic propaganda at home are shaping Chinese public expectations and limiting possibilities for compromise with other powers”.

Strategy, Power and Diffusion


November 19th, 2012


“….and therefore, two kinds of reactions are possible on the defending side, depending whether the attacker is to perish by the sword or by his own exertions.

- Carl von Clausewitz, On War

”Again, if the campaign is protracted, the resources of the State will not be equal to the strain.”

- Sun Tzu, The Art of War 

A recent estimate for the cost of the war in Afghanistan by the Congressional Research Office is $443 billion dollars to occupy and fight a Pakistani-supported insurgency in a primitive country whose annual GDP is a mere $ 27 billion. A figure that itself inflated by $ 3-4 billion is remittances, $ 4 billion in NGO aid and $14 billion in direct US aid (2010 figure); when you then subtract opium smuggling ($ 4 billion), Afghanistan’s legitimate economic activity may only be a miniscule GDP of $ 2 – 3 billion.

This does not, of course, include the cost of ten years of lavish bribes for Pakistan, a portion of which was used by the ISI to support the Taliban killing American and ISAF soldiers and Afghan civilians.

Panetta's Wrong About a Cyber 'Pearl Harbor'

The Internet doesn't work that way. 
BY JOHN ARQUILLA | NOVEMBER 19, 2012 


In recent months, the specter of a looming cyber "Pearl Harbor" has reappeared -- the phrase having first come into use in the 1990s. But it is the wrong metaphor. Given the surefire emotional effect evoked by memories of the "day of infamy," how can this be? How are good cyber security legislation and regulations to be enacted and pursued in the absence of such galvanizing imagery? Clearly, the Obama administration thinks that trotting out the Pearl Harbor metaphor is essential, and so a range of officials, right up to Defense Secretary Leon Panetta, have been using it recently. But there is a fundamental problem: There is no "Battleship Row" in cyberspace. 

In December 1941, a great deal of American naval power was concentrated at Pearl Harbor and Japan dealt it a sharp blow, enabling Imperial forces to pursue their expansionist aims for a while. Of the eight U.S. Navy battleships that were there, four were sunk and the other four were seriously damaged. And if the Kido Butai, the Japanese carrier strike force, had caught the three American aircraft carriers deployed to the Pacific in port -- they were out to sea at the time of the attack -- or had blown up the base's massive fuel storage tanks, the damage would have been catastrophic. Pearl Harbor was a true "single point of failure." 

Nothing like this exists in cyberspace. Indeed, part of the logic behind the creation of the Internet, going back more than 40 years now, was to ensure continued communications even in the wake of a nuclear war. Redundancy and resilience are the key notions that shaped the structure of cyberspace. Yes, there are very important nodes here and there; but workarounds and fallbacks abound. Cyberspace is more like the oceans that cover two-thirds of the world: it has its choke points, but there are always alternate routes. 

If the Pearl Harbor metaphor is misleading -- encouraging the belief that strong defenses concentrated in one or a few major areas can protect most, if not all, threatened spaces -- there may be another harbor metaphor that does much more good. This one comes from World War II as well and has to do with the harbor lights of the Eastern seaboard cities. Very soon after Germany declared war on the United States -- in the immediate aftermath of Pearl Harbor -- U-boats were dispatched to attack shipping on our side of the Atlantic. German submarine skippers were assisted in their task by the failure of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt to order a blackout along the coast. And so the U-boats had what their crews called "the happy time," teeing up targets for night attacks because they were illuminated against the backdrop of blazing city and harbor lights. 

For several months in 1942, mayors of coastal cities resisted pressure to enforce blackouts because of the loss of business they feared would ensue, plunging an economy still not fully recovered from the Depression into a new downward spiral. It was only when shipping losses grew dangerously high -- over a million tons were sunk in the first four months of 1942 -- that a blackout was finally put in place and merchant ships began to move in escorted convoys. This didn't put an end to the U-boat menace, but did bring it under control. 

Today, the "harbor lights" are on all over cyberspace. A wide range of targets is well illuminated, highly vulnerable to all manner of cyber mischief. Our armed services, increasingly dependent upon their connectivity, can be virtually crippled in the field by disruptive attacks on the infrastructure upon which they depend -- but which are not even government-owned. Leading commercial enterprises hemorrhage intellectual property to cyber snoops every day -- a point Governor Romney made twice in his debates with President Obama. And countless thousands of Americans, having had their personal security hacked, are now serving unwillingly and unknowingly as drones or zombies, pressed into service in the robot networks, or "botnets," of master hackers. 

Why do the harbor lights remain on in cyberspace? Because, rather than focusing on security, information technology manufacturers and software developers have been driven for decades by market forces that impel them to seek greater speed and efficiency -- at the most competitive prices. In short, the virtual harbor lights stay on because the perceived economic cost of improved security -- that is, of enforcing a blackout, in metaphorical terms -- is seen as too high. And, just like FDR, American political leaders have shied away from forcing their hand. 

Where the metaphor breaks down -- no metaphor can address every aspect of a problem -- is in its invisibility. Mass ship sinkings in the early months of 1942 were tangible events that horrified the nation. Today, the ongoing compromise of sensitive military information systems, the theft of intellectual property, and the recruitment of men, women, and children into zombie armies, all these pass largely beneath our levels of awareness. Cyberwarfare is a lot like Carl Sandburg's fog, coming in on "little cat feet." 

To be sure, senior civil and military leaders know the gravity of the situation. A deeply alarming study of our cyber vulnerabilities by the National Academies was just declassified; it makes quite clear the grave nature of the threat. At the same time, word of a new presidential decision directive (PD-20) about responding aggressively to the cyber threat has leaked out. Reporting about the still-classified directive suggests that it follows the line of Secretary Panetta's comments in recent weeks about taking pre-emptive action against cyber threats. 

All this implies clear awareness of the problem, but the pro-active recommendation to seek out and "attack the attackers" is problematic, given how well-hidden so many of them remain. Eleven years after the Code Red and Nimda computer viruses were unleashed -- shortly after 9/11 -- the identity of the perpetrators remains unknown. And this is true of many, perhaps most, cyber attacks. Digital warriors and terrorists today hide in the virtual ocean of cyberspace as well as U-boat skippers did during their "happy time" along the Atlantic seaboard 70 years ago. And efforts to track them in advance of their attacks, to hearken yet again to the harbor lights metaphor, will be as fruitless as the U.S. Navy's original strategy in 1942 of sending out hunter-killer squadrons to search the ocean for the U-boats. 

Back then, the right answer from the start was to black out coastal cities at night. Then, when ships sailed, they were evasively routed and escorted by anti-submarine vessels. Losses still occurred, but soon fell to acceptable levels. This is the lesson of the "harbor lights" metaphor. In cyberspace, the analogous approach would consist of far greater use of strong encryption and "evasive routing" of data via the Cloud, making it much harder for the virtual U-boat wolf packs that stalk them to find their targets. 

Forget Pearl Harbor. Remember the harbor lights. 


John Arquilla is professor of defense analysis at the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School and author of Worst Enemy: The Reluctant Transformation of the American Military.

Obama in Myanmar: The Reality & the Mirage

Paper No. 5302 Dated 19-Nov-2012 

By.B.Raman 

1. US President Barack Obama has just completed an eight-hour flying visit to Yangon (Rangoon), the former capital of Myanmar, from Thailand and flown to Phnom-Penh, the Cambodian capital, to attend the East Asia summit before flying back home. He was accompanied by Mrs. Hillary Clinton, his Secretary of State, who had visited Myanmar last year. This is the second visit by a US President to Myanmar since it became independent. The first was by President Richard Nixon in 1973. 

2. In a carefully programmed visit, Mr. Obama visited only Yangon, the former capital from the British colonial days, where Aung San Suu Kyi generally lives. President Thein Sein, who lives and works in the new capital Nay Pyi Taw, flew to Yangon from Phnom-Penh, where he had gone to attend the ASEAN summit, to meet Mr.Obama. 

3.Mr.Obama met Mr.Thein Sein and Daw Suu Kyi separately----Mr.Thein Sein in his official Yangon residence and Suu Kyi in her private residence. He did not meet the two together. 

Rockets' Red Glare

No, Iron Dome does not prove that "Star Wars" was right. 
BY YOUSAF BUTT | NOVEMBER 19, 2012 


Israel's "Iron Dome" missile defense has been spectacularly successful at intercepting short-range Hamas rockets: officials relate that roughly 80-90 percent of attempted intercepts have succeeded. However, it is important not to learn the wrong lesson from this. Some have gone so far as to claim that Iron Dome's success finally vindicates Reagan's dream of a missile defense "shield" against nuclear-tipped ICBMs. That this small battlefield system has been so successful against the relatively slow-moving short-range rockets doesn't mean that larger and much more expensive missile defense systems, such as the planned NATO system, will work against longer-range strategic missiles that move ten times as fast. 

Israel's Threat Perception



 
Israel’s geo-political location is a security nightmare for Israeli defence planners, given the hostile or potentially belligerent neighbourhood on each of its flanks. Nevertheless, for the US and the western countries, Israel is a divisive enclave in the vast Arab world. The State of Israel is a geographic divide the contiguity of the few Arab Entities – the Middle East and the North African. It is a pivot around which the Western world, particularly the US can calibrate its Middle East policy. For the countries in the Middle East, Israel is a major strategic distraction. 

Israel constitutes a crucial factor in the domestic and foreign policy posturing of these countries. For an analysis of the strategic importance of Israel, most of the answers would be found in the question: “What if Israel did not exist in its present location?” 

Journal of Defence Studies

Journal of Defence Studies, Vol. 6, No. 4, 2012 


In the fiftieth year of the Sino-Indian War of 1962, the Journal of Defence Studies has put together a special issue that analyses the causes of the conflict as well as lessons for the present. A series of articles were especially commissioned for this issue on Tibet; Forward Policy; Chinese and Indian perspectives on wartime negotiations, and policies and perceptions of each other; parliamentary debates; strategic lessons and effect on defence reforms; and how the war is remembered and perceived in India. 

Learning Lessons and Revisting Myths from Kameng


October 2012 
Volume: 6 
Issue: 4 

Articles 

Episodes in the modern military history of a nation need to assist in deriving lessons. At the same time, due to reasons such as fading public memory, local discourse in the area of conflict, non-availability of archival data, poor recording of history, and over-securitisation leads to the creation of myths. This article discusses tactics of victory employed by the Chinese in the 1962 Sino-Indian War. It then assesses the need to sustain capacity for mobility in the Himalayas. It also highlights the fact that local perceptions have not been understood at the national level. Thus the current discourse is placed to understand the war and society school of the locals, and how myths—both military and non-military— are generated. The article also shows how reputed international scholars who have studied the war have used rigorous research methodology to construct very authentic narratives and accounts. The paper concludes by re-emphasizing the need for basic soldiering routines and skills. 

AttachmentSize 

The Great Oil Fallacy


November 19, 2012 


 

Flickr/TimSackton.Among the unchallenged verities of U.S. politics, the most universally accepted is that of the crucial strategic and economic significance of oil, and particularly Middle Eastern oil. On the right, the need for oil is seen as justifying an expanded and assertive military posture, as well as the removal of restrictions on domestic drilling. On the left, U.S. foreign-policy is seen through the prism of “War for Oil,” while the specter of Peak Oil threatens to bring the whole system down in ruins. 

The prosaic reality is that oil is a commodity much like any other. As with every major commodity, oil markets have some special features that affect supply, demand and prices. But oil is no more special or critical than coal, gas or metals—let alone food. 

Say No to Tokyo

November 19, 2012 

 
Flickr/US7thFleet.Faced with an increasingly bitter territorial confrontation with China, Japan wants a stronger U.S. defense guarantee. So much for the Democratic Party of Japan’s promise to make Tokyo a more independent international player. Washington should say no to war with the People’s Republic of China over a worthless pile of rocks claimed by Japan. 

Whether animated by economic success, weakened political control over the military during the ongoing leadership transition, or perception of Western weakness, China has been playing an increasingly assertive role throughout the Asia-Pacific. 

What Makes a Great General?

FP contributors on Tom Ricks' new book. 
NOVEMBER 15, 2012 



This week, FP presents a running discussion of Best Defense blogger Tom Ricks' new book, The Generals: American Military Command from World War II to Today

Tom's last two books were deeply reported examinations of the Iraq War. In The Generals, he casts a historical net and finds that the quality of military leadership has declined since the days of Eisenhower and Marshall, as the Army has increasingly failed to punish failure or reward ingenuity. 

Initial reviews have been wildly positive. Here's what Publisher's Weekly -- which awarded Tom his own star -- had to say: 

China’s Involvement in India’s Internal Security Threats: An Analytical Appraisal


Dr N Manoharan (Senior Fellow, VIF)


Twenty-first-century India faces multifarious security challenges. At the core of India’s security concerns is its ‘internal security’ – a major national security challenge. Among many imponderable factors of India’s security calculus, internal security is regarded as one of the principal underlying aspects.

Unfortunately, today, there is a blurring distinction between internal and external threats. Some go to the extent of arguing that “India does not face an external threat in the conventional sense” but only internal security threats from external sources. These external sources, consisting of both state and non-state actors, combined with those anti-state forces within India, have made the situation more complex. Very few countries in the world are placed in an unfavourable, troubled and uncertain security environment as India is. External sources of threats to India’s internal security, therefore, spring from almost all countries of its neighbourhood. China is not an exception. In the external abetment, how far China has been involved? What were the motives behind? Was it to create ‘million mutinies’ in India or just to deter India from behaving in a manner that is in opposition to Chinese national interests? What has been the modus operandi? This monograph analyses the extent and intent of China’s involvement in India’s internal security threats.

Full Paper in pdf format is available here

AttachmentSizeChina's Involvement in India's Internal Security Threats An Analytical Appraisal.pdf 1.62 MB

Don’t forget the heroes of Rezang La

Mohan Guruswamy 


A MATTER OF HONOUR: Lance Naik Ram Kumar Yadav of 13 Kumaon, one of the handful of survivors of the battle. He was taken prisoner of war but escaped from captivity and returned to the brigade at Chushul. He was awarded the Vir Chakra. Photo: Special Arrangement 

Few events in the annals of valour match the battle fought by 13 Kumaon’s C Company to safeguard a Ladakhi village during the 1962 India-China war 

The greatest acts of heroism and valour often happen when the odds are hopeless and death and defeat are inevitable. Throughout history, nations have always glorified such episodes in ballads and poems, by honouring heroes and commemorating such events. It is the common perception of such episodes in a people’s history that forge a sense of nationhood. Why else would we celebrate the deaths of a Prithviraj Chauhan or a Tipu Sultan? Or a Porus or a Shivaji who battled great armies with little more than a handful of brave comrades and immense courage? Of course we rejoice in the triumphs of an Ashoka or Chandragupta or even an Akbar, but that is about greatness and not heroism. 

Even if it is true that the end of history is at hand, we can be sure that the annals of heroism will never cease being written. However endless these may be, the heroic stand of C Company of the 13 Kumaon at Rezang La on November 18, 1962 will always remain a more glorious chapter. The monument that stands at Chushul asks: “How can a man die better/Than facing fearful odds/For the ashes of his fathers/And the temples of his gods.” C Company was fighting for neither ashes nor temples, for there were none at Chushul. The loss of Chushul would not even have had much bearing on the ultimate defence of Ladakh. But in those dark days of 1962, Chushul became a matter of national honour. 

Pivotal frontier point 

Chushul is only 15 miles from the border as the crow flies and had an all-weather landing strip. It was the pivotal point of our frontier posts in this sector as it was astride the second route into Tibet from Leh about 120 miles further west. The road built after 1962 rises to nearly 17,000 feet, crossing the Ladakh range at the desolate and windblown Chang La pass, steeply descends into Tangtse and then goes on to Chushul. Between the Chang La and Tangtse, the road traverses beautiful scenery with dramatic sightings of wildlife. Golden marmots dart in and out of their holes and in the distance you can sometimes spot a snow leopard warily keeping an eye on man as it stalks ibex on the craggy heights 

Chushul is at 14,230 feet and a village in a narrow sandy valley about 25 miles long and four miles wide, flanked by mountains that rise to over 19,000 feet. At the northern end it touches the Pangong Tso, a deep saltwater lake nearly a hundred miles long and which makes for a glorious sight. Also near Chushul is a gap in the mountains called the Spanggur Gap that leads to a beautiful lake, the Spanggur Tso that, like the Pangong, extends well into Chinese territory. China had built a road from Rudok in Tibet right up to the Spanggur Gap capable of carrying tanks. In the first phase of their assault on Ladakh in October 1962, the Chinese had overrun Indian border posts on the line between Daulat Beg Oldi near the Karakoram Pass to Damchok astride the Indus on the border with Tibet. Chushul was the solitary Indian position east of the Ladakh range. Geography favoured the Chinese and they were able to make a major concentration of men and material for an attack on Chushul. 

Till September 1962, the defence of all of Ladakh was vested with 114 Infantry Brigade commanded by Brig. T.N. Raina (later General and Chief of Army Staff). It consisted of just two infantry battalions, the 1/8 Gorkha Rifles and 5 Jat. Initially, only the Gorkhas were deployed in the Chushul sector and when the gravity of the Chinese threat was realised, 13 Kumaon, which was at Baramulla in the Kashmir Valley, was sent in to reinforce 114 Brigade. In the first week of October, the 3 Himalayan (later Mountain) Division was formed for the overall defence of Ladakh and the Chushul sector was entirely left to 114 Brigade. On October 26, 114 Brigade set up its headquarters at Chushul and braced for the attack. 

The newly arrived 13 Kumaon began deploying on October 24 in the lull that followed the first phase of the attack. The forward defences of Chushul were on a series of hill features that were given evocative names such as Gurung Hill, Gun Hill and Mugger Hill. But C Company of 13 Kumaon got Rezang La which was about 19 miles south of Chushul. Rezang La, as the name suggests, is a pass on the southeastern approach to Chushul valley. The feature was 3,000 yards long and 2,000 yards wide and at an average height of 16,000 feet. Digging defensive positions and building shelters was hard going, for the men were still not acclimatised. Wintry winds made life even harder. At this altitude it took hours to bring a kettle to boil for tea. Whatever fruit and vegetables that came were frozen hard. Potatoes, even oranges, acquired weapon-grade hardness. More than the thin air and cold, the location of Rezang La had a more serious drawback. It was “crested” to Indian artillery because of an intervening feature. This meant defenders had to fight without the protective comfort of artillery. Both sides prepared feverishly, mostly within sight of each other, for the next attack, which came on that cold Sunday — November 18. 

Most Kumaon battalions are mixed formations made up of hill men from the Kumaon Hills, Ahirs from Haryana and Brahmins from the northern plains. 13 Kumaon was the Kumaon Regiment’s only all Ahir battalion. The Ahirs, concentrated in the Gurgaon/Mewat region of Haryana, are hardy cattlemen and farmers. When the order to move to Chushul came, its commanding officer Lt. Col. H.S. Dhingra was in hospital. But he cajoled the doctors into letting him go with his men. Maj. Shaitan Singh, a Rajput from Jodhpur commanded C Company of 13 Kumaon. C Company’s three platoons were numbered 7,8 and 9 and had .303 rifles with about 600 rounds per head, and between them six light machine guns (LMG), and a handful of 2 inch mortars. The Chinese infantry had 7.62 mm self-loading rifles; medium machine guns and LMG’s; 120 mm, 81 mm and 60 mm mortars; 132 mm rockets; and 75 mm and 57 mm recoilless guns to bust bunkers. They were much more numerous and began swarming up the gullies to assault Rezang La at 4 a.m., even as light snow was falling. 

The Ahirs waited till the Chinese came into range and opened up with everything they had. The gullies were soon full of dead and wounded Chinese. Having failed in a frontal attack the Chinese let loose deadly shelling. Under the cover of this intense shelling the Chinese infantry came again in swarms. C Company, now severely depleted, let them have it once again. Position after position fell fighting till the last man. C Company had three junior commissioned officers and 124 other ranks with Maj. Shaitan Singh. When the smoke and din cleared, only 14 survived, nine of them severely wounded. 13 Kumaon regrouped and 114 Brigade held on to Chushul. But the battalion war diary records that they were now “less our C Company.” 

Ceasefire and after 

The Chinese announced a unilateral ceasefire on November 21, but little more than what the survivors had brought back was known about C Company. In January 1963 a shepherd wandered on to Rezang La. It was as if the very last moment of battle had turned into a tableau. The freezing cold had frozen the dead in their battle positions and the snow had laid a shroud over the battlefield. Arrangements were then made to recover the dead under International Red Cross supervision. Brig. Raina led the Indian party, which recorded the scene for posterity with movie and still cameras. This tableau showed what had happened that Sunday morning. Every man had died a hero. Maj. Shaitan Singh was conferred the Param Vir Chakra. Eight more received the Vir Chakra while four others the Sena Medal. 13 Kumaon received “The battle honour Rezang La,” that it wears so proudly. 

Few events in the annals of heroism can match this. C Company gave its all to defend Chushul, a small Ladakhi village, which for one brief moment in our history came to symbolise India’s national honour. At Thermopylae on September 18, 480 BC, 1,200 Greeks led by King Leonidas of Sparta died fighting the Persian King Xerxes’ mighty bodyguard called the Anusya or Companions. But Leonidas was fighting for a great prize. In July 481 BC, the Oracle of Delphi told him that in the next war with Persia either the King would die or Sparta be destroyed. Leonidas chose to die to save Sparta. 

But C Company willingly sacrificed itself to save a little village and that makes its sacrifice all the more glorious. That is why we must never forget Rezang La. 


Learning Lessons and Revisting Myths from Kameng

JOURNAL OF DEFENCE STUDIES



October 2012
Volume: 6
Issue: 4
Articles

Episodes in the modern military history of a nation need to assist in deriving lessons. At the same time, due to reasons such as fading public memory, local discourse in the area of conflict, non-availability of archival data, poor recording of history, and over-securitisation leads to the creation of myths. This article discusses tactics of victory employed by the Chinese in the 1962 Sino-Indian War. It then assesses the need to sustain capacity for mobility in the Himalayas. It also highlights the fact that local perceptions have not been understood at the national level. Thus the current discourse is placed to understand the war and society school of the locals, and how myths—both military and non-military— are generated. The article also shows how reputed international scholars who have studied the war have used rigorous research methodology to construct very authentic narratives and accounts. The paper concludes by re-emphasizing the need for basic soldiering routines and skills.

Those who can, teach


Nivedita Menon : Tue Nov 20 2012


Is creative scholarship found only in research institutes? Across disciplines, the most notable names are teachers 

Why do social sciences in India thrive best outside the university system, asks Pratap Bhanu Mehta, (‘Rigour in the margins’, IE, November 15), lamenting that India’s most creative writers and social scientists (with the honourable exception of history) have been housed in research institutes cut off from students. Surely this self-congratulatory myth-making has to stop? This constant devaluing of teaching and the refusal to recognise the heavy odds that undergraduate and postgraduate teachers work against while still producing world-quality research, accompanied by mutual back-patting between a handful of Boys’ Club members that has become common sense across the media, because the Boys’ Club has clout in the media. 

First, is it true that creative scholarship emanates only from research institutes? Certainly names can be named, justifiably awe-inspiring names — Rajni Kothari, Ashis Nandy, Partha Chatterjee. But take a minute to scan scholarship across disciplines other than history (which Mehta concedes does not fit his claim) — multi-disciplinary feminist work, sociology, literary studies, political science, economics — almost every name that springs to mind is a teacher: Sharmila Rege, Veena Das, Alok Rai, Zoya Hasan, Sudipta Kaviraj, Prabhat Patnaik. I invite those literate in social science scholarship to continue the exercise and reflect on the tenability of Mehta’s claim, especially when many high-profile members of research institutes neither teach nor publish. 

Of course, Mehta is ignorant of the academic writing (not just newspaper pieces) in Indian languages produced by scholars who have primarily, if not exclusively, been teachers — Sibaji Bandyopadhyay, Suhas Palshikar, T.K. Ramachandran. Equally importantly, Mehta discounts the hundreds of serious scholars produced by teachers who, through their lectures, have introduced cutting edge philosophy and social science to students in places in India where even Economic and Political Weekly is difficult to come by, let alone international journals. These students then reach Delhi and Hyderabad and Pune and Kolkata, go on to do doctoral research, publish, and some may even join research institutes. Research institutes are not produced in isolation. 

Second, if a thriving democratic culture pervades the Indian academy, it is hard won and daily battled for by thousands of teachers across universities, in constant conversation and quarrel with their students, in classrooms and outside. Whether combating religious right-wings or economic neoliberalism, or patriarchy and sexual harassment, it is teachers and students who drag the stodgy upper echelons of the academy kicking and screaming in radically new directions of theory and practice. The ivory towers of research institutes have contributed little to this ferment, and certainly no career researcher has faced any risk by taking anti-establishment positions. The majority of teachers, on the other hand, daily risk their autonomy, even their salaries, in protest. They have almost no say in how their institutions will be run and what changes should be brought about. 

As I watch in increasing dismay and anger the systematic destruction of Delhi University by the vice chancellor and his bosses, I find it patronising of Mehta to describe the “push factor” from the universities as “dogmatism, factional politics and dispiriting institutional complexity,” for the first two appear to be the fault of teachers themselves, and the last is anodyne and meaningless. The push factor is in fact the deadening and monstrous bureaucracy over which teachers have no control whatsoever. Most teachers, even today, would prefer to stay in teaching, with short breaks in research institutes for a little breathing space from the enormous numbers and challenges of bilingualism in their classrooms; from the continuous grading of hundreds of exam scripts, an exercise that can take a third of the working life of a teacher; from administrative drudgeries career researchers can have no conception of. For, despite everything, we know that teaching is what keeps us from becoming complacent, and it is what keeps us creative. 

Research institutes are critical components in the academic field, but only if they see themselves as organically connected to universities and teaching. There must be a dynamic exchange of energies between teaching and research — perhaps even exchange programmes between research institutes and universities in which teachers get time off to do research while the faculty of research institutes get to teach. But this kind of organic connection is possible only if people in research institutes have the clearsightedness and humility to see themselves as a part — and only a part — of the larger energies constituting the intellectual field. 


The writer is a professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi

Joining the dots as we approach 26/11


Rohit Singh

An average terrorist in J&K, it is said, has two years of life. They pose grave threats in their limited life time as a terrorist. But those who have more life are particularly grave threats to national security and expose the lack of a seamless network in India which continuously tracks the international, national and local terror trends and activities and feeds the intelligence analysis so gained down to the grassroots levels of the local thana. A recent arrest of a Hizbul Mujahideen (HM) terrorist shows much of what is right in India’s Counter Terrorism efforts and yet much of what is wrong.

First the right part. On 13 September this year an Army column apprehended a HM terrorist Mehrajuddin Dand aka Javed, resident of Naginbagh, Sopore at Kulyid Chowk, Kishtwar. It was a prized catch; for the individual was an important cog in the logistic wheel of the 1999 hijacking of IC-814 to Kandahar; had worked with Anees Ibrahim, brother of Dawood Ibrahim and had collected lakhs of rupees from Delhi; was in touch with HM leader, Syed Salahuddin (based in POK); was involved in a fake currency racket having printed lakhs of fake currency notes (important again for funding terrorist operations); was involved in printing fake passports and last but not the least was also involved in the logistics of carrying explosives for the 1996 Lajpat Nagar blasts in New Delhi.

Significantly, this individual is 42 years old and had escaped to Pakistan Occupied Kashmir in 1989 and had been operating in Pakistan, Nepal and India ever since which leads to the following questions; do police stations in Indian states bordering Nepal have data on individuals, particularly those from the heydays of terrorism – missing from J&K ; does any central agency have a data base on missing J&K individuals who, therefore, need to be tracked; and if so, is there any real time vertical and horizontal sharing of intelligence in India ?

We all know that the proposal to set up the National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC) is being watered down. Even after establishing MAC, NATGRID, amending the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), etc, when it comes to practically putting the dots, together, on ground to integrate and disseminate intelligence, we are still found wanting, as in proved by Javed’s case illustrated above after the states objected to its operationalisation on the plea that it would stymie their powers. There may be merits and demerits in the Centre and States arguments. But, in the meantime, the likes of Dand @ Javed, etc will continue to lurk in the shadows, forever plotting, conspiring, facilitating, operationalising and waiting for opportunities to strike. A terrorist and his master has time on his side and will play the waiting game, always assessing various factors before deciding on an action plan.

In a year or two from now, India will be on the road to the next general elections. Last time, the terrorists struck was before the 2009 general elections. And, then the US was pressing Pakistan for an Army offensive in the West since the US troops surge was a mile away. Next time around, as Indian elections approach, the US will be drawing down on its troops in Afghanistan. Last time when the terrorists struck in Mumbai, the foreign component of LeT had support of local logistics (reluctantly acknowledged by the Indian Government). The presence of the likes of Javed apprehended on 13 Sep 12 reveal that next time LeT strikes, they can still count on local logistics.

Whether we install the NCTC or not or institute watered down versions of it, there is no doubt that we need a central mechanism to join the dots and disseminate the intelligence in real time to all security agencies in the country. The terrorist does not distinguish from a Bihari to a Kashmiri or otherwise and sooner the states realize that they can better protect their citizens by evolving a common platform with the Centre, the better it will be for the safety of its citizens who at the time of strike may be in a target state other than that of their origin. It is encouraging that India has taken baby steps to institute an anti-hijacking policy in the country. Joining the dots by integrating R & AW, IB, NATGRID with all home ministries/police stations of the states is the need of the hour. Arrest of Javed who has had Pan-India footprints for so long with involvement in Lajpat Nagar bombing to IC-814 hijacking exposes the threats posed by terrorists as also the inadequacies of our intelligence networks more concerned in protecting their own turf on narrow interpretation of State powers, etc. What was right was that this long standing absconder was apprehended after all. The wrong part of it was that it took so long. As we approach 26/11, we need to get more things right.

Rohit Singh is an Associate Fellow at the Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS), New Delhi

Courtesy: The Asian Age, 16 November 2012

http://epaper.asianage.com/PUBLICATIONS/ASIAN/AAGE/2012/11/16/ArticleHtmls/focus-Joining-the-dots-as-we-approach-2611-16112012014022.shtml?Mode=undefined

FULL TEXT OF CONSTITUTION OF COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA

Xinhua 2012-11-19 

   BEIJING, Nov. 18 (Xinhua) -- The following is the full text of the Constitution of the Communist Party of China (CPC) revised and adopted at the 18th CPC National Congress on Nov. 14, 2012: 

  CONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA 

  Revised and adopted at the Eighteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China on November 14, 2012 

  General Program 
  Chapter I Membership 
  Chapter II The Party's Organizational System 
  Chapter III Central Organizations of the Party 
  Chapter IV Local Organizations of the Party 
  Chapter V Primary Organizations of the Party 
  Chapter VI Party Cadres 
  Chapter VII Party Discipline 
  Chapter VIII Party Organs for Discipline Inspection 
  Chapter IX Leading Party Members' Groups 
  Chapter X Relationship Between the Party and the Communist Youth League of  
                             China 
  Chapter XI Party Emblem and Flag 
  General Program 

  The Communist Party of China is the vanguard both of the Chinese working class and of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. It is the core of leadership for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics and represents the development trend of China's advanced productive forces, the orientation of China's advanced culture and the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the Chinese people. The realization of communism is the highest ideal and ultimate goal of the Party. 

  The Communist Party of China takes Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important thought of Three Represents and the Scientific Outlook on Development as its guide to action. 

  Marxism-Leninism brings to light the laws governing the development of the history of human society. Its basic tenets are correct and have tremendous vitality. The highest ideal of communism pursued by the Chinese Communists can be realized only when the socialist society is fully developed and highly advanced. The development and improvement of the socialist system is a long historical process. So long as the Chinese Communists uphold the basic tenets of Marxism-Leninism and follow the road suited to China's specific conditions and chosen by the Chinese people of their own accord, the socialist cause in China will be crowned with final victory. 

  The Chinese Communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their chief representative, created Mao Zedong Thought by integrating the basic tenets of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution. Mao Zedong Thought is Marxism-Leninism applied and developed in China; it consists of a body of theoretical principles concerning the revolution and construction in China and a summary of experience therein, both of which have been proved correct by practice; and it represents the crystallized, collective wisdom of the Communist Party of China. Under the guidance of Mao Zedong Thought, the Communist Party of China led the people of all ethnic groups in the country in their prolonged revolutionary struggle against imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism, winning victory in the new-democratic revolution and founding the People's Republic of China, a people's democratic dictatorship. After the founding of the People's Republic, it led them in carrying out socialist transformation successfully, completing the transition from New Democracy to socialism, establishing the basic system of socialism and developing socialism economically, politically and culturally. 

  After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Party Central Committee, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Deng Xiaoping as their chief representative, analyzed their experience, both positive and negative, gained since the founding of the People's Republic, emancipated their minds, sought truth from facts, shifted the focus of the work of the whole Party onto economic development and carried out reform and opening to the outside world, ushering in a new era of development in the cause of socialism, gradually formulating the line, principles and policies concerning the building of socialism with Chinese characteristics and expounding the basic questions concerning the building, consolidation and development of socialism in China, and thus creating Deng Xiaoping Theory. Deng Xiaoping Theory is the outcome of the integration of the basic tenets of Marxism-Leninism with the practice of contemporary China and the features of the times, a continuation and development of Mao Zedong Thought under new historical conditions; it represents a new stage of development of Marxism in China, it is Marxism of contemporary China and it is the crystallized, collective wisdom of the Communist Party of China. It is guiding the socialist modernization of China from victory to victory. 

  After the Fourth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth Party Central Committee and in the practice of building socialism with Chinese characteristics, the Chinese Communists, with Comrade Jiang Zemin as their chief representative, acquired a deeper understanding of what socialism is, how to build it and what kind of party to build and how to build it, accumulated new valuable experience in running the Party and state and formed the important thought of Three Represents. The important thought of Three Represents is a continuation and development of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory; it reflects new requirements for the work of the Party and state arising from the developments and changes in China and other parts of the world today; it serves as a powerful theoretical weapon for strengthening and improving Party building and for promoting self-improvement and development of socialism in China; and it is the crystallized, collective wisdom of the Communist Party of China. It is a guiding ideology that the Party must uphold for a long time to come. Persistent implementation of the Three Represents is the foundation for building the Party, the cornerstone for its governance and the source of its strength. 

  Since the Party's Sixteenth National Congress, the Chinese Communists with Comrade Hu Jintao as their chief representative, following the guidance of Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important thought of Three Represents, have gained a deep understanding of major questions such as what kind of development China should achieve under new conditions and how it should achieve it to meet new requirements for development and answered these questions, and thus developed the Scientific Outlook on Development that puts people first and calls for comprehensive, balanced and sustainable development. The Scientific Outlook on Development is a scientific theory that is both in keeping with Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important thought of Three Represents and is in step with the times. It fully embodies the Marxist worldview on and methodology for development and represents the latest achievement in adapting Marxism to China's conditions. It is the crystallization of the collective wisdom of the Communist Party of China and a guiding ideology that must be upheld and applied in developing socialism with Chinese characteristics. 

  The fundamental reason behind all of China's achievements and progress since the reform and opening up policy was introduced is, in the final analysis, that the Party has blazed a path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, formulated the system of theories of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and established the socialist system with Chinese characteristics. All Party members must cherish the path, the theories and the socialist system that the Party has explored and created after going through all the hardships; and they must keep to them all the time and continue to develop them. They must hold high the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics and strive to fulfill the three historic tasks of advancing the modernization drive, achieving national reunification, and safeguarding world peace and promoting common development. 

China is in the primary stage of socialism and will remain so for a long time to come. This is a historical stage which cannot be skipped in socialist modernization in China which is backward economically and culturally. It will last for over a hundred years. In socialist construction the Party must proceed from China's specific conditions and take the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. At the present stage, the principal contradiction in Chinese society is one between the ever-growing material and cultural needs of the people and the low level of production. Owing to both domestic circumstances and foreign influences, class struggle will continue to exist within a certain scope for a long time and may possibly grow acute under certain conditions, but it is no longer the principal contradiction. In building socialism, the basic task is to further release and develop the productive forces and achieve socialist modernization step by step by carrying out reform in those aspects and links of the production relations and the superstructure that do not conform to the development of the productive forces. The Party must uphold and improve the basic economic system, with public ownership playing a dominant role and different economic sectors developing side by side, as well as the system of distribution under which distribution according to work is dominant and a variety of modes of distribution coexist, encourage some areas and some people to become rich first, gradually eliminate poverty, achieve common prosperity, continuously meet the people's ever-growing material and cultural needs on the basis of the growth of production and social wealth and promote people's all-around development. Development is the Party's top priority in governing and rejuvenating the country. The general starting point and criterion for judging all the Party's work should be how it benefits development of the productive forces in China's socialist society, adds to the overall strength of socialist China and improves the people's living standards. The Party must respect work, knowledge, talent and creation and ensure that development is for the people, by the people and with the people sharing in its fruits. The beginning of the new century marks China's entry into the new stage of development of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and accelerating socialist modernization. The Party must promote all-around economic, political, cultural, social, and ecological progress in accordance with the overall plan for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The strategic objectives of economic and social development at this new stage in the new century are to consolidate and develop the relatively comfortable life initially attained, bring China into a moderately prosperous society of a higher level to the benefit of well over one billion people by the time of the Party's centenary and bring the per capita GDP up to the level of moderately developed countries and realize modernization in the main by the time of the centenary of the People's Republic of China. 

  The basic line of the Communist Party of China in the primary stage of socialism is to lead the people of all ethnic groups in a concerted, self-reliant and pioneering effort to turn China into a prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced and harmonious modern socialist country by making economic development the central task while upholding the Four Cardinal Principles and the reform and opening up policy. 

  In leading the cause of socialism, the Communist Party of China must persist in taking economic development as the central task, making all other work subordinate to and serve this central task. The Party must lose no time in speeding up development, implement the strategy of rejuvenating the country through science and education, the strategy of strengthening the nation with trained personnel and the strategy of sustainable development, and give full play to the role of science and technology as the primary productive force. The Party must take advantage of the advancement of science and technology to improve the quality of workers and promote sound and rapid development of the national economy. 

  The Four Cardinal Principles - to keep to the socialist road and to uphold the people's democratic dictatorship, leadership by the Communist Party of China, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought - are the foundation on which to build the country. Throughout the course of socialist modernization the Party must adhere to the Four Cardinal Principles and combat bourgeois liberalization. 

  Reform and opening up are the path to a stronger China. Only reform and opening up can enable China, socialism and Marxism to develop themselves. The Party must carry out fundamental reform of the economic structure that hampers the development of the productive forces, and keep to and improve the socialist market economy; it must also carry out corresponding political restructuring and reform in other fields. The Party must adhere to the basic state policy of opening up and assimilate and exploit the achievements of all other cultures. It must be bold in making explorations and breaking new ground in reform and opening up, make its reform decisions more scientific, better coordinate its reform measures and blaze new trails in practice. 

  The Communist Party of China leads the people in developing the socialist market economy. It unwaveringly consolidates and develops the public sector of the economy and unswervingly encourages, supports and guides the development of the non-public sector. It gives play to the basic role of market forces in allocating resources and works to set up a sound system of macroeconomic regulation. The Party works to balance urban and rural development, development among regions, economic and social development, relations between man and nature, and domestic development and opening to the outside world; adjust the economic structure, and transform the growth model. It is dedicated to promoting harmonized development of industrialization, IT application, urbanization and agricultural modernization, building a new socialist countryside, taking a new path of industrialization with Chinese characteristics, and making China an innovative country. 

  The Communist Party of China leads the people in promoting socialist democracy. It integrates its leadership, the position of the people as masters of the country, and the rule of law, takes the path of political development under socialism with Chinese characteristics, expands socialist democracy, improves the socialist legal system, builds a socialist country under the rule of law, consolidates the people's democratic dictatorship, and builds socialist political civilization. It upholds and improves the system of people's congresses, the system of multiparty cooperation and political consultation under its leadership, the system of regional ethnic autonomy, and the system of self-governance at the primary level of society. It makes people's democracy more extensive, fuller in scope and sounder in practice. It takes effective measures to protect the people's right to manage state and social affairs as well as economic and cultural programs. It respects and safeguards human rights. It encourages the free airing of views and works to establish sound systems and procedures of democratic election, decision-making, administration and oversight. It improves the socialist system of laws with Chinese characteristics and strengthens law enforcement, so as to bring all work of the state under the rule of law. 

 The Communist Party of China leads the people in developing an advanced socialist culture. It promotes socialist cultural and ethical progress, combines the rule of law and the rule of virtue in running the country and works to raise the ideological and moral standards and scientific and educational levels of the entire nation so as to provide a powerful ideological guarantee, motivation and intellectual support for reform, opening up and socialist modernization, and develop a strong socialist culture in China. It promotes core socialist values, adheres to Marxism as its guiding ideology, fosters the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics, promotes patriotism-centered national spirit and the spirit of the times centering on reform and innovation and advocates the socialist maxims of honor and disgrace. It works to enhance the people's sense of national dignity, self-confidence and self-reliance, resist corrosion by decadent capitalist and feudal ideas and wipe out all social evils so that the people will have high ideals, moral integrity, a good education and a strong sense of discipline. It also needs to imbue its members with the lofty ideal of communism. The Party strives to develop educational, scientific and cultural programs, carry forward the fine traditional culture of the Chinese nation, and develop a thriving socialist culture. 

  The Communist Party of China leads the people in building a harmonious socialist society. In accordance with the general requirements for democracy and the rule of law, equity and justice, honesty and fraternity, vigor and vitality, stability and order, and harmony between man and nature and the principle of all the people building and sharing a harmonious socialist society, the Party focuses its efforts on ensuring and improving the people's wellbeing by solving the most specific problems of the utmost and immediate concern to the people, works to enable all the people to share in more fruits of development in a more equitable way, and strives to create a situation in which all people do their best, find their proper places in society and live together in harmony. The Party strengthens and makes innovations in social management. It strictly distinguishes between the two different types of contradictions - those between ourselves and the enemy and those among the people - and works to handle them correctly. It will strengthen comprehensive measures to maintain law and order, and resolutely combat criminal activities that endanger national security and interests, social stability and economic development and bring criminals to justice in accordance with the law, so as to maintain lasting social stability. 

  The Communist Party of China leads the people in promoting socialist ecological progress. It raises its ecological awareness of the need to respect, accommodate to and protect nature; follows the basic state policy of conserving resources and protecting the environment and the principle of giving high priority to conserving resources, protecting the environment and promoting its natural restoration; and pursues sound development that leads to increased production, affluence and a good ecosystem. The Party strives to build a resource-conserving, environmentally friendly society; and preserves China's geographical space and improves its industrial structure and mode of production and the Chinese way of life in the interest of conserving resources and protecting the environment. All this is aimed at creating a good working and living environment for the people and ensuring lasting and sustainable development of the Chinese nation. 

  The Communist Party of China persists in its leadership over the People's Liberation Army and other armed forces of the people, builds up the strength of the People's Liberation Army, ensures that it accomplishes its historic missions at this new stage in the new century, and gives full play to its role in consolidating national defense, defending the motherland and participating in the socialist modernization drive. 

  The Communist Party of China upholds and promotes socialist ethnic relations based on equality, solidarity, mutual assistance and harmony, actively trains and promotes cadres from among ethnic minorities, helps ethnic minorities and ethnic autonomous areas with their economic, cultural and social development, and ensures that all ethnic groups work together for common prosperity and development. The Party strives to fully implement its basic principle for its work related to religious affairs, and rallies religious believers in making contributions to economic and social development. 

  The Communist Party of China rallies all workers, farmers and intellectuals, and all the democratic parties, personages without party affiliation and the patriotic forces of all ethnic groups in China in further expanding and fortifying the broadest possible patriotic united front embracing all socialist workers, all builders of the cause of socialism and all patriots who support socialism or who support the reunification of the motherland. The Party will constantly strengthen the unity of all the Chinese people, including the compatriots in Hong Kong and Macao special administrative regions and in Taiwan as well as overseas Chinese. It will promote long-term prosperity and stability in Hong Kong and Macao and complete the great cause of reunifying the motherland in conformity with the principle of "one country, two systems." 

  The Communist Party of China adheres to an independent foreign policy of peace, follows the path of peaceful development and a win-win strategy of opening up, takes both the domestic and international situations into consideration, and vigorously develops relations with other countries in order to bring about a favorable international environment for China's reform, opening up and modernization. In international affairs, it safeguards China's independence and sovereignty, opposes hegemonism and power politics, defends world peace, promotes human progress, and pushes for the building of a harmonious world of lasting peace and common prosperity. It develops relations between China and other countries on the basis of the five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual nonaggression, noninterference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. It strives for the constant development of good-neighborly relations between China and the surrounding countries and for the strengthening of the unity and cooperation between China and other developing countries. The Communist Party of China develops relations with communist parties and other political parties in other countries in accordance with the principles of independence, complete equality, mutual respect and noninterference in each other's internal affairs. 

In order to lead the people of all ethnic groups in China in attaining the great goal of socialist modernization, the Communist Party of China must adhere to its basic line, strengthen its governance capability, advanced nature and purity and comprehensively carry forward the great new undertaking to build itself in a spirit of reform and innovation. The Party must make all-around efforts to strengthen itself ideologically and organizationally and improve its conduct; and it must become better able to combat corruption and uphold Party integrity and improve Party rules and regulations, thus making Party building more scientific in all respects. It must steadfastly build itself for public interests, exercise governance for the people, practice self-discipline, be strict with its members, and carry forward its fine traditions and style of work. It must constantly improve its art of leadership and governance, raise its ability to resist corruption, prevent degeneration and withstand risks, constantly strengthen its class foundation, expand its mass base and enhance its creativity, cohesion and combat effectiveness, and build itself into a learning, service-oriented and innovative Marxist governing party, so that it will stand forever in the forefront of the times and make itself a strong nucleus that can lead all the Chinese people in the unceasing march along the road of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In building itself, the Party must be determined to meet the following four essential requirements: 

  First, adhering to the Party's basic line. The whole Party must achieve unity in thinking and action with Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important thought of Three Represents, the Scientific Outlook on Development, and the Party's basic line, and persevere in doing so for a long time to come. The Party must integrate the reform and opening up policy with the Four Cardinal Principles, carry out its basic line in all fields of endeavor, implement in an all-around way its basic program for the primary stage of socialism and combat all "Left" and Right erroneous tendencies, maintaining vigilance against Right tendencies, primarily against "Left" tendencies. The Party must intensify the building of leading bodies at all levels, selecting and promoting cadres who have scored outstanding achievements in their public service and have won the trust of the masses in reform, opening up and the modernization drive, and train and cultivate millions upon millions of successors to the cause of socialism, thus ensuring organizationally the implementation of the Party's basic theory, line, program and experience. 

  Second, persevering in emancipating the mind, seeking truth from facts, keeping up with the times, and being realistic and pragmatic. The Party's ideological line is to proceed from reality in handling all matters, to integrate theory with practice, to seek truth from facts, and to verify and develop the truth through practice. All Party members must adhere to this ideological line, explore new ways, boldly experiment with new methods, go in for innovation, work creatively, constantly study new situations, review new experience and solve new problems, enrich and develop Marxism in practice, and advance the endeavor to adapt Marxism to Chinese conditions. 

  Third, persevering in serving the people wholeheartedly. The Party has no special interests of its own apart from the interests of the working class and the broadest masses of the people. At all times the Party gives top priority to the interests of the people, shares weal and woe with them, maintains the closest possible ties with them, and persists in exercising power for them, showing concern for them and working for their interests, and it does not allow any member to become divorced from the masses or place himself or herself above them. The Party follows the mass line in its work, doing everything for the masses, relying on them in every task, carrying out the principle of "from the masses, to the masses," and translating its correct views into action by the masses of their own accord. The biggest political advantage of the Party lies in its close ties with the masses while the biggest potential danger for it as a governing party comes from its divorce from them. The Party's style of work and its maintenance of ties with the masses of the people are a matter of vital importance to the Party. The Party will establish a sound system for punishing and preventing corruption by fighting it in a comprehensive way, addressing both its symptoms and root cause and combining punishment with prevention, with the emphasis on prevention. The Party will persistently oppose corruption and step up efforts to improve its style of work and uphold integrity. 

  Fourth, upholding democratic centralism. Democratic centralism is a combination of centralism on the basis of democracy and democracy under centralized guidance. It is the fundamental organizational principle of the Party and is also the mass line applied in the Party's political activities. The Party must fully expand intra-Party democracy, respect the principal position of its members, safeguard their democratic rights, and give play to the initiative and creativity of Party organizations at all levels as well as its members. Correct centralism must be practiced so as to ensure the solidarity, unity and concerted action in the whole Party and prompt and effective implementation of its decisions. The sense of organization and discipline must be strengthened, and all members are equal before Party discipline. Oversight of leading Party organs and of Party members holding leading positions, particularly principal leading cadres, must be strengthened and the system of intra-Party oversight constantly improved. In its internal political activities, the Party conducts criticism and self-criticism in the correct way, waging ideological struggles over matters of principle, upholding truth and rectifying mistakes. Diligent efforts must be made to create a political situation in which there are both centralism and democracy, both discipline and freedom, both unity of will and personal ease of mind and liveliness. 

  Leadership by the Party means mainly political, ideological and organizational leadership. The Party must meet the requirements of reform, opening up and socialist modernization, persist in scientific, democratic and law-based governance, and strengthen and improve its leadership. Acting on the principle that the Party commands the overall situation and coordinates the efforts of all quarters, the Party must play the role as the core of leadership among all other organizations at the corresponding levels. It must concentrate on leading economic development, organize and coordinate all forces in a concerted effort to focus on economic development and promote all-around economic and social development. The Party must practice democratic and scientific decision-making; formulate and implement the correct line, principles and policies; do its organizational, publicity and educational work well and make sure that all Party members play an exemplary and vanguard role. The Party must conduct its activities within the framework of the Constitution and laws of the country. It must see to it that the legislative, judicial and administrative organs of the state and the economic, cultural and people's organizations work with initiative and independent responsibility and in unison. The Party must strengthen its leadership over trade unions, the Communist Youth League, women's federations and other mass organizations, and give full scope to their roles. The Party must adapt itself to the march of events and changing circumstances, improving its system and style of leadership and raising its governance capability. Party members must work in close cooperation with non-Party persons in the common endeavor to build socialism with Chinese characteristics. 

Chapter I 

  Membership 

  Article 1. Any Chinese worker, farmer, member of the armed forces, intellectual or any advanced element of other social strata who has reached the age of eighteen and who accepts the Party's program and Constitution and is willing to join and work actively in one of the Party organizations, carry out the Party's resolutions and pay membership dues regularly may apply for membership in the Communist Party of China. 

  Article 2. Members of the Communist Party of China are vanguard fighters of the Chinese working class imbued with communist consciousness. 

  Members of the Communist Party of China must serve the people wholeheartedly, dedicate their whole lives to the realization of communism, and be ready to make any personal sacrifices. 

  Members of the Communist Party of China are at all times ordinary members of the working people. Communist Party members must not seek any personal gain or privileges, although the relevant laws and policies provide them with personal benefits and job-related functions and powers. 

  Article 3. Party members must fulfill the following duties: 

  1) To conscientiously study Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important thought of Three Represents and the Scientific Outlook on Development, study the Party's line, principles, policies and resolutions, acquire essential knowledge concerning the Party, obtain general, scientific, legal and professional knowledge and work diligently to enhance their ability to serve the people. 

  2) To implement the Party's basic line, principles and policies, take the lead in reform, opening up and socialist modernization, encourage the people to work hard for economic development and social progress and play an exemplary and vanguard role in production, work, study and social activities. 

  3) To adhere to the principle that the interests of the Party and the people stand above everything else, subordinating their personal interests to the interests of the Party and the people, being the first to bear hardships and the last to enjoy comforts, working selflessly for the public interests and working to contribute more. 

  4) To conscientiously observe the Party discipline, abide by the laws and regulations of the state in an exemplary way, rigorously guard secrets of the Party and state, execute the Party's decisions, and accept any job and actively fulfill any task assigned them by the Party. 

  5) To uphold the Party's solidarity and unity, be loyal to and honest with the Party, match words with deeds, firmly oppose all factions and small-clique activities and oppose double-dealing and scheming of any kind. 

  6) To earnestly engage in criticism and self-criticism, boldly expose and correct shortcomings and mistakes in work and resolutely combat corruption and other negative phenomena. 

  7) To maintain close ties with the masses, disseminate the Party's views among them, consult with them when problems arise, keep the Party informed of their views and demands in good time and defend their legitimate interests. 

  8) To promote new socialist ways and customs, take the lead in putting into practice the socialist maxims of honor and disgrace, and advocate communist ethics. To step forward and fight bravely in times of difficulty or danger, daring to make any sacrifice to defend the interests of the country and the people. 

  Article 4. Party members enjoy the following rights: 

  1) To attend relevant Party meetings, read relevant Party documents, and benefit from the Party's education and training. 

  2) To participate in the discussion of questions concerning the Party's policies at Party meetings and in Party newspapers and journals. 

  3) To make suggestions and proposals regarding the work of the Party. 

  4) To make well-grounded criticism of any Party organization or member at Party meetings, to present information or charges against any Party organization or member concerning violations of discipline or the law to the Party in a responsible way, to demand disciplinary measures against such a member, or call for dismissal or replacement of any incompetent cadre. 

  5) To participate in voting and elections and to stand for election. 

  6) To attend, with the right of self-defense, discussions held by Party organizations to decide on disciplinary measures to be taken against themselves or to appraise their work and behavior; other Party members may also bear witness or argue on their behalf. 

  7) In case of disagreement with a Party resolution or policy, to make reservations and present their views to Party organizations at higher levels even up to the Central Committee, provided that they resolutely carry out the resolution or policy while it is in force. 

  8) To put forward any request, appeal, or complaint to higher Party organizations even up to the Central Committee and ask the organizations concerned for a responsible reply. 

  No Party organization, up to and including the Central Committee, has the right to deprive any Party member of the above-mentioned rights. 

  Article 5. New Party members must be admitted through a Party branch, and the principle of individual admission must be adhered to. 

  An applicant for Party membership must fill out an application form and be recommended by two full Party members. The application must be accepted at a general membership meeting of the Party branch concerned and approved by the next higher Party organization, and the applicant must undergo observation for a probationary period before being granted full membership. 

  Party members who recommend an applicant must make genuine efforts to acquaint themselves with the applicant's ideology, character, personal record and work performance and explain to each applicant the Party's program and Constitution, qualifications for membership and the duties and rights of members, and must make a responsible report to the Party organization on the matter. 

  The Party branch committee must canvass the opinions of persons concerned, inside and outside the Party, about an applicant for Party membership and, after establishing the latter's qualification through rigorous examination, submit the application to a general membership meeting for discussion. 

  Before approving the admission of applicants for Party membership, the next higher Party organization concerned must appoint people to talk with them, in order to get to know them better and help deepen their understanding of the Party. 

  In special circumstances, the Central Committee of the Party or the Party committee of a province, autonomous region or municipality directly under the central government may admit new Party members directly. 

  Article 6. A probationary Party member must take an admission oath in front of the Party flag. The oath reads: It is my will to join the Communist Party of China, uphold the Party's program, observe the provisions of the Party Constitution, fulfill a Party member's duties, carry out the Party's decisions, strictly observe Party discipline, guard Party secrets, be loyal to the Party, work hard, fight for communism throughout my life, be ready at all times to sacrifice my all for the Party and the people, and never betray the Party. 

Article 7. The probationary period of a probationary member is one year. The Party organization should make serious efforts to educate and observe the probationary members. 

  Probationary members have the same duties as full members. They enjoy the rights of full members except those of participating in voting and elections and standing for election. 

  Upon the expiration of the probationary period of a probationary member, the Party branch concerned should promptly discuss whether he or she is qualified for full membership. A probationary member who conscientiously performs his or her duties and is qualified for full membership shall be granted full membership as scheduled; if continued observation and education are needed, the probationary period may be extended, but by no more than one year; if a probationary member fails to perform his or her duties and is found to be unqualified for full membership, his or her probationary membership shall be annulled. Any decision to grant a probationary member full membership, extend a probationary period, or annul a probationary membership must be made through discussion held by the general membership meeting of the Party branch concerned and approved by the next higher Party organization. 

  The probationary period of a probationary member begins from the day the general membership meeting of the Party branch admits him or her as a probationary member. The Party standing of a member begins from the day he or she is granted full membership on the expiration of the probationary period. 

  Article 8. Every Party member, irrespective of position, must be organized into a branch, cell or other specific unit of the Party to participate in the regular activities of the Party organization and accept oversight by the masses inside and outside the Party. Leading Party cadres must attend democratic meetings held by the Party committee or leading Party members' group. There shall be no privileged Party members who do not participate in the regular activities of the Party organization and do not accept oversight by the masses inside and outside the Party. 

  Article 9. Party members are free to withdraw from the Party. When a Party member asks to withdraw, the Party branch concerned shall, after discussion by its general membership meeting, remove his or her name from the Party rolls, make the removal public and report it to the next higher Party organization for the record. 

  The Party branch shall try to educate the Party member who lacks revolutionary will, fails to fulfill the duties of a Party member, or is not qualified for membership and require him or her to correct his or her mistakes within a prescribed time. If the member remains incorrigible after education, he or she should be persuaded to withdraw from the Party. The case shall be discussed and decided by the general membership meeting of the Party branch concerned and submitted to the next higher Party organization for approval. If the Party member being persuaded to withdraw refuses to do so, the case shall be submitted to the general membership meeting of the Party branch concerned for discussion to decide on the removal of the said member's name from the Party rolls, after which the decision shall be submitted to the next higher Party organization for approval. 

  A Party member who fails to take part in regular Party activities, pay membership dues or do work assigned by the Party for six successive months without good reason is regarded as having given up membership. The general membership meeting of the Party branch concerned shall decide on the removal of such a person's name from the Party rolls and report it to the next higher Party organization for approval. 

Chapter II 

  The Party's Organizational System 

  Article 10. The Party is an integral body organized under its program and Constitution and on the basis of democratic centralism. The Party's basic principles of democratic centralism are as follows: 

  1) Individual Party members are subordinate to the Party organization, the minority is subordinate to the majority, the lower Party organizations are subordinate to the higher Party organizations, and all the constituent organizations and members of the Party are subordinate to the National Congress and the Central Committee of the Party. 

  2) The Party's leading bodies at all levels are elected except for the representative organs dispatched by them and the leading Party members' groups in non-Party organizations. 

  3) The highest leading body of the Party is the National Congress and the Central Committee elected by it. The leading bodies of local Party organizations are the Party congresses at their respective levels and the Party committees elected by them. Party committees are responsible, and report their work, to the Party congresses at their respective levels. 

  4) Higher Party organizations shall pay constant attention to the views of lower organizations and the rank-and-file Party members, and solve in good time the problems they raise. Lower Party organizations shall report on their work to, and request instructions from, higher Party organizations; at the same time, they shall handle, independently and in a responsible manner, matters within their jurisdiction. Higher and lower Party organizations should exchange information and support and oversee each other. Party organizations at all levels should increase transparency in Party affairs in accordance with regulations to keep Party members better informed of these affairs and to provide them with more opportunities to participate in them. 

  5) Party committees at all levels function on the principle of combining collective leadership with individual responsibility based on division of work. All major issues shall be decided upon by the Party committees after discussion in accordance with the principle of collective leadership, democratic centralism, individual consultations and decision by meetings. The members of the Party committees should earnestly exercise their functions and powers in accordance with the collective decisions taken and division of work. 

  6) The Party forbids all forms of personality cult. It is necessary to ensure that the activities of the Party leaders are subject to oversight by the Party and the people, and at the same time to uphold the prestige of all the leaders who represent the interests of the Party and the people. 

  Article 11. The election of delegates to Party congresses and of members of Party committees at all levels should reflect the will of the voters. Elections shall be held by secret ballot. The lists of candidates shall be submitted to the Party organizations and voters for full deliberation and discussion. The election procedure in which the number of candidates nominated is greater than the number of persons to be elected may be used directly in a formal election or this procedure may be used first in a preliminary election in order to draw up a list of candidates for the formal election. The voters have the right to inquire about the candidates, demand a change or reject one in favor of another. No organization or individual shall in any way compel voters to elect or not to elect any candidate. 

  If any violation of the Party Constitution occurs in the election of delegates to local Party congresses at all levels or to Party congresses at the primary level, the Party committee at the next higher level, after investigation and verification, should decide to declare the election invalid and take appropriate measures. The decision shall be reported to the Party committee at the next higher level for checking and approval before it is formally announced and implemented. 

  A tenure system is adopted for delegates to Party congresses at all levels. 

  Article 12. When necessary, the Central Committee of the Party and the local Party committees at all levels will convene conferences of delegates to discuss and decide on major problems that require timely solution. The number of delegates to such conferences and the procedure governing their election shall be determined by the Party committees convening them. 

  Article 13. The formation of a new Party organization or the dissolution of an existing one shall be decided upon by the higher Party organization. 

  When the congress of a local Party organization at any level or the congress of a Party organization at the primary level is not in session, the next higher Party organization may, when it deems it necessary, transfer or appoint responsible members of that organization. 

  The Party's Central Committee and local Party committees at all levels may send out their representative organs. 

  The Party's Central Committee and committees of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the central government implement the system of inspection tours. 

  Article 14. When making decisions on important questions affecting the lower organizations, the leading bodies of the Party at all levels should, under normal circumstances, solicit opinions of the lower organizations. Measures should be taken to ensure that the lower organizations can exercise their functions and powers normally. Except in special circumstances, higher leading bodies should not interfere with matters that ought to be handled by lower organizations. 

  Article 15. Only the Central Committee of the Party has the power to make decisions on major policies of a nationwide character. Party organizations of various departments and localities may make suggestions with regard to such policies to the Central Committee, but shall not make any decisions or publicize their views outside the Party without authorization. 

  Lower Party organizations must firmly implement the decisions of higher Party organizations. If lower organizations consider that any decisions of higher organizations do not suit the specific conditions in their localities or departments, they may demand modification. If the higher organizations insist on their original decisions, the lower organizations must carry out such decisions and refrain from publicly voicing their differences, but retain the right to report to the next higher Party organization. 

  Newspapers, journals and other means of publicity run by Party organizations at all levels must disseminate the line, principles, policies and resolutions of the Party. 

  Article 16. When discussing and making decisions on any matter, Party organizations must keep to the principle of subordination of the minority to the majority. A vote must be taken when major issues are decided on. Serious consideration should be given to the differing views of a minority. In case of controversy over major issues in which supporters of the two opposing views are nearly equal in number, except in emergencies where action must be taken in accordance with the majority view, the decision should be put off to allow for further investigation, study and exchange of opinions followed by another vote. Under special circumstances, the controversy may be reported to the next higher Party organization for a ruling. 

  When, on behalf of the Party organization, an individual Party member is to express views on major issues beyond the scope of the existing decisions of the Party organization, the content must be referred to the Party organization for prior discussion and decision, or referred to the next higher Party organization for instructions. No Party member, whatever his or her position, is allowed to make decisions on major issues on his or her own. In an emergency, when a decision by an individual is unavoidable, the matter must be reported to the Party organization immediately afterwards. No leader is allowed to take decisions arbitrarily or to place himself or herself above the Party organization. 

  Article 17. The central, local and primary organizations of the Party must all pay great attention to Party building. They shall regularly discuss and examine the Party's work in publicity, education, organization and discipline inspection, its mass work and united front work. They must carefully study ideological and political developments inside and outside the Party. 

Chapter III 

  Central Organizations of the Party 

  Article 18. The National Congress of the Party is held once every five years and convened by the Central Committee. It may be convened before the normally scheduled date if the Central Committee deems it necessary or if more than one third of the organizations at the provincial level so request. Except under extraordinary circumstances, the Congress may not be postponed. 

  The number of delegates to the National Congress of the Party and the procedure governing their election shall be determined by the Central Committee. 

  Article 19. The functions and powers of the National Congress of the Party are as follows: 

  1) To hear and examine the reports of the Central Committee; 

  2) To hear and examine the reports of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection; 

  3) To discuss and decide on major questions concerning the Party; 

  4) To revise the Constitution of the Party; 

  5) To elect the Central Committee; and 

  6) To elect the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. 

  Article 20. The powers and functions of the National Conference of the Party are as follows: to discuss and make decisions on major questions; and to replace members and elect additional members of the Central Committee and the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. The number of members and alternate members of the Central Committee to be replaced or newly elected shall not exceed one fifth of the respective totals of members and alternate members of the Central Committee elected by the National Congress of the Party. 

  Article 21. The Central Committee of the Party is elected for a term of five years. However, when the next National Congress is convened before or after its normally scheduled date, the term shall be correspondingly shortened or extended. Members and alternate members of the Central Committee must have a Party standing of five years or more. The number of members and alternate members of the Central Committee shall be determined by the National Congress. Vacancies on the Central Committee shall be filled by its alternate members in the order of the number of votes by which they were elected. 

  The Central Committee of the Party meets in plenary session at least once a year, and such sessions are convened by its Political Bureau. The Political Bureau reports its work to these sessions and accepts their oversight. 

  When the National Congress is not in session, the Central Committee carries out its resolutions, directs the entire work of the Party and represents the Communist Party of China in its external relations. 

  Article 22. The Political Bureau, the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau and the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party are elected by the Central Committee in plenary session. The General Secretary of the Central Committee must be a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau. 

  When the Central Committee is not in session, the Political Bureau and its Standing Committee exercise the functions and powers of the Central Committee. 

  The Secretariat of the Central Committee is the working body of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee and its Standing Committee. The members of the Secretariat are nominated by the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee and are subject to endorsement by the Central Committee in plenary session. 

  The General Secretary of the Central Committee is responsible for convening the meetings of the Political Bureau and its Standing Committee and presides over the work of the Secretariat. 

  The members of the Military Commission of the Central Committee are decided on by the Central Committee. 

  The central leading bodies and leaders elected by each Central Committee shall, when the next National Congress is in session, continue to preside over the Party's day-to-day work until the new central leading bodies and leaders are elected by the next Central Committee. 

  Article 23. Party organizations in the Chinese People's Liberation Army carry on their work in accordance with the instructions of the Central Committee. The political work organ of the Military Commission of the Central Committee is the General Political Department of the Chinese People's Liberation Army; the General Political Department directs Party and political work in the army. The organizational system and organs of the Party in the armed forces are prescribed by the Military Commission of the Central Committee. 

Chapter IV 

  Local Organizations of the Party 

  Article 24. The Party congress of a province, autonomous region, municipality directly under the central government, city divided into districts, autonomous prefecture, county (banner), autonomous county, city not divided into districts, or municipal district is held once every five years. 

  Local Party congresses are convened by the Party committees at the corresponding levels. Under extraordinary circumstances, they may be held before or after their normally scheduled dates upon approval by the next higher Party committees. 

  The number of delegates to the local Party congresses at any level and the procedure governing their election are determined by the Party committees at the corresponding levels and should be reported to the next higher Party committees for approval. 

  Article 25. The functions and powers of the local Party congresses at all levels are as follows: 

  1) To hear and examine the reports of the Party committees at the corresponding levels; 

  2) To hear and examine the reports of the commissions for discipline inspection at the corresponding levels; 

  3) To discuss and adopt resolutions on major issues in the given areas; and 

  4) To elect the Party committees and commissions for discipline inspection at the corresponding levels. 

  Article 26. The Party committee of a province, autonomous region, municipality directly under the central government, city divided into districts, or autonomous prefecture is elected for a term of five years. The members and alternate members of such a committee must have a Party standing of five years or more. 

  The Party committee of a county (banner), autonomous county, city not divided into districts, or municipal district is elected for a term of five years. The members and alternate members of such a committee must have a Party standing of three years or more. 

  When local Party congresses at all levels are convened before or after their normally scheduled dates, the terms of the committees elected by the previous congresses shall be correspondingly shortened or extended. 

  The number of members and alternate members of the local Party committees at all levels shall be determined by the next higher committees. Vacancies on the local Party committees at all levels shall be filled by their alternate members in the order of the number of votes by which they were elected. 

  The local Party committees at all levels meet in plenary session at least twice a year. 

  The local Party committees at all levels shall, when the Party congresses of the given areas are not in session, carry out the directives of the next higher Party organizations and the resolutions of the Party congresses at the corresponding levels, direct work in their own areas and report on it to the next higher Party committees at regular intervals. 

  Article 27. The local Party committees at all levels elect, at their plenary sessions, their standing committees, secretaries and deputy secretaries and report the results to the higher Party committees for approval. The standing committees of the local Party committees at all levels exercise the functions and powers of local Party committees when the latter are not in session. They continue to handle the day-to-day work when the next Party congresses at their levels are in session, until the new standing committees are elected. 

  The standing committees of the local Party committees at all levels regularly report their work to plenary sessions of local Party committees and accept their oversight. 

  Article 28. A prefectural Party committee, or an organization analogous to it, is the representative organ dispatched by a provincial or an autonomous regional Party committee to a prefecture covering several counties, autonomous counties or cities. It exercises leadership over the work in the given prefecture as authorized by the provincial or autonomous regional Party committee. 

Chapter V 

  Primary Organizations of the Party 

  Article 29. Primary Party organizations are formed in enterprises, rural areas, government organs, schools, research institutes, communities, social organizations, companies of the People's Liberation Army and other basic units, where there are at least three full Party members. 

  In primary organizations, primary Party committees and committees of general Party branches or Party branches are set up as the work requires and according to the number of Party members, subject to approval by the higher Party organizations. A primary Party committee is elected by a general membership meeting or a meeting of delegates, the committee of a general Party branch or a Party branch is elected by a general membership meeting, and candidates for these committees are nominated on the basis of extensively soliciting opinions from Party members and non-Party persons. 

  Article 30. A primary Party committee is elected for a term of three to five years, while a general Party branch committee or a Party branch committee is elected for a term of two or three years. Results of the election of a secretary and deputy secretaries of a primary committee, general branch committee or branch committee of the Party shall be reported to the next higher Party organization for approval. 

  Article 31. The primary Party organizations are militant bastions of the Party in the basic units of society, where all the Party's work proceeds and they serve as the foundation of its fighting capacity. Their main tasks are: 

  1) To disseminate and carry out the Party's line, principles and policies, the resolutions of the Central Committee of the Party and other higher Party organizations, and their own resolutions; to give full play to the exemplary and vanguard role of Party members, to excel in their work, and to unite and organize the cadres and the rank and file inside and outside the Party to fulfill the tasks of their own units. 

  2) To organize Party members to conscientiously study Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important thought of Three Represents and the Scientific Outlook on Development, study the Party's line, principles, policies and resolutions, acquire essential knowledge concerning the Party and obtain general, scientific, legal and professional knowledge. 

  3) To educate, manage, oversee and serve Party members; raise their overall quality; strengthen their Party spirit; ensure that they regularly participate in the activities of Party organizations, make criticism and self-criticism, and maintain and observe Party discipline; see that they truly fulfill their duties; protect their rights from encroachment; and improve management of Party members among the floating population. 

  4) To maintain close ties with the masses, constantly seek their criticisms and opinions regarding Party members and the Party's work, safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of the masses and do effective ideological and political work among them. 

  5) To give full scope to the initiative and creativity of Party members and the masses and to discover, nurture and recommend fine, talented people from among Party members and the masses and encourage them to contribute their skills and learning to reform, opening up and socialist modernization. 

  6) To educate and train the activists who apply for Party membership, attend to the routine work concerning the recruitment of new members and attach great importance to recruiting Party members from among those in the forefront of production and work and from among young people. 

  7) To see to it that Party and non-Party cadres strictly observe the law and administrative discipline and the financial and economic statutes and personnel regulations of the state and that none of them infringe on the interests of the state, the collective or the masses. 

  8) To encourage Party members and the masses to conscientiously resist unhealthy practices and wage resolute struggles against all illegal and criminal activities. 

  Article 32. The primary Party committees in communities, townships and towns and the Party organizations in villages and communities provide leadership for the work in their localities and assist administrative departments, economic institutions and self-governing mass organizations in fully exercising their functions and powers. 

  In a state-owned or collective enterprise, the primary Party organization acts as the political nucleus and works for the operation of the enterprise. The primary Party organization guarantees and oversees the implementation of the principles and policies of the Party and the state in its own enterprise and backs the meeting of shareholders, board of directors, board of supervisors and manager (factory director) in the exercise of their functions and powers according to law. It relies wholeheartedly on the workers and office staff, supports the work of the congresses of representatives of workers and office staff and participates in making final decisions on major questions in the enterprise. It works to improve its own organization and provides leadership over ideological and political work, efforts for cultural and ethical progress and the trade unions, the Communist Youth League and other mass organizations. 

  In a non-public economic institution, the primary Party organization carries out the Party's principles and policies, provides guidance to and oversees the enterprise in observing the laws and regulations of the state, exercises leadership over the trade union, the Communist Youth League organization and other mass organizations, rallies the workers and office staff around it, safeguards the legitimate rights and interests of all quarters and stimulates the healthy development of the enterprise. 

  In an institution where the administrative leaders assume full responsibility, the primary Party organization acts as the political nucleus. In an institution where the administrative leaders assume full responsibility under the leadership of the Party committee, the primary Party organization discusses and decides on major issues and at the same time ensures that the administrative leaders are able to fully exercise their functions and powers. 

  In offices of the Party or the state at all levels, the primary Party organizations assist the chief administrators in fulfilling their tasks and improving their work. They exercise oversight over all Party members, including the chief administrators who are Party members, but do not direct the work of their units. 

Chapter VI 

  Party Cadres 

  Article 33. Party cadres are the backbone of the Party's cause and public servants of the people. The Party selects its cadres on the basis of both their moral integrity and their professional competence with priority given to the former, appoints cadres on their merits without regard to their origins, and opposes favoritism; it exerts genuine efforts to make the ranks of the cadres more revolutionary, younger in average age, better educated and more professionally competent. 

  The Party attaches great importance to education, training, selection, assessment and oversight of cadres, especially to the training and selection of outstanding young cadres. The Party actively promotes the reform of the cadre system. 

  The Party attaches great importance to the training and promotion of women cadres and cadres from among the ethnic minorities. 

  Article 34. Leading Party cadres at all levels must show exemplary performance in carrying out their duties as Party members prescribed in Article 3 of this Constitution and must meet the following basic requirements: 

  1) Know Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought and Deng Xiaoping Theory well enough to perform their duties, earnestly put the important thought of Three Represents into practice, take the lead in applying the Scientific Outlook on Development, try hard to analyze and solve practical problems with the stand, viewpoint and methods of Marxism, keep stressing study, political awareness and integrity, and be able to stand the test of all trials and tribulations. 

  2) Have the lofty ideal of communism and firm conviction in socialism with Chinese characteristics, firmly implement the Party's basic line, principles and policies, be determined to carry out reform and opening up, devote themselves to the cause of modernization, work hard to start undertakings in socialist construction, foster a correct view on evaluating their performances and make solid achievements that can stand the test of practice and time to the satisfaction of the people. 

  3) Persist in emancipating their minds, seeking truth from facts, keeping up with the times and blazing new trails in a pioneering spirit; conduct earnest investigations and studies so as to be able to integrate the Party's principles and policies with the actual conditions in their localities or departments and work efficiently; tell the truth, do practical work, seek tangible results and oppose formalism. 

  4) Be fervently dedicated to the revolutionary cause and imbued with a strong sense of political responsibility, have practical experience, and be qualified for leading posts in organizational ability, general education and vocational knowledge. 

  5) Properly exercise the power invested in them by the people, uphold principles, handle matters according to law, be upright and clean and work diligently for the people, set an example by their own actions, work hard and live simply, maintain close ties with the masses, uphold the Party's mass line, conscientiously accept the criticism and oversight by the Party and the masses, improve their moral standards, observe the Party spirit and ethical standards, play an exemplary role, exercise self-respect, self-examination, self-caution and self-motivation, combat bureaucratism, and fight against malpractices such as abuse of power for personal gain. 

  6) Uphold the Party's system of democratic centralism, maintain a democratic style of work, take the overall situation into consideration, and be good at uniting and working with other comrades, including those who hold differing opinions. 

  Article 35. Party cadres should be able to cooperate with non-Party cadres, respect them and be open-minded in learning from their strong points. 

  Party organizations at all levels must be good at discovering and recommending talented non-Party cadres with practical learning for leading posts, and ensure that the latter enjoy authority commensurate with their posts and can fully play their roles. 

  Article 36. Leading Party cadres at all levels, whether elected through democratic procedure or appointed by a leading body, are not entitled to lifelong tenure, and they can be transferred from or relieved of their posts. 

  Cadres no longer fit to continue working due to old age or poor health should retire according to the regulations of the state. 

Chapter VII 

  Party Discipline 

  Article 37. Party discipline refers to the rules of conduct that must be observed by Party organizations at all levels and by all Party members. It is the guarantee that the unity and solidarity of the Party are safeguarded and that the tasks of the Party are accomplished. Party organizations must strictly observe and maintain Party discipline. A Communist Party member must conscientiously act within the bounds of Party discipline. 

  Article 38. Party organizations should criticize, educate or take disciplinary measures against members who violate Party discipline, depending on the nature and seriousness of their mistakes and in the spirit of "learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones, and curing the sickness to save the patient." 

  Party members who have seriously violated the criminal law shall be expelled from the Party. 

  It is strictly forbidden in the Party to take any measures against a member that contravene the Party Constitution or the laws of the state, or to retaliate against or frame a member. Any offending organization or individual must be dealt with according to Party discipline and the laws of the state. 

  Article 39. There are five measures for enforcing Party discipline: warning, serious warning, removal from Party posts, probation within the Party, and expulsion from the Party. 

  The period for which a Party member is placed on probation shall not exceed two years. During that period, the Party member concerned has no right to participate in voting or elections or stand for election. A Party member who during that time truly rectifies his or her mistake shall have his or her rights as a Party member restored. Party members who refuse to mend their ways shall be expelled from the Party. 

  Expulsion is the ultimate Party disciplinary measure. In deciding on or approving an expulsion, Party organizations at all levels should study all the relevant facts and opinions and exercise extreme caution. 

  Article 40. Any disciplinary measure to be taken against a Party member must be discussed and decided on at a general membership meeting of the Party branch concerned, and reported to the primary Party committee concerned for approval. If the case is relatively important or complicated, or involves the expulsion of a member, it shall be reported to a Party commission for discipline inspection at or above the county level for examination and approval, in accordance with the specific situation. Under special circumstances, a Party committee or a commission for discipline inspection at or above the county level has the authority to decide directly on disciplinary measures to be taken against a Party member. 

  Any decision to remove a member or alternate member of the Central Committee or a local committee at any level from his or her posts within the Party, to place such a person on probation within the Party or to expel such a person from the Party must be approved by a two thirds majority vote at a plenary meeting of the Party committee to which he or she belongs. In special circumstances, the decision may be taken first by the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee or the standing committee of a local Party committee, pending confirmation at the plenary meeting of the Party committee. Such a disciplinary measure against a member or alternate member of a local Party committee is subject to approval by the higher Party committee. 

  A member or alternate member of the Central Committee who has seriously violated the criminal law shall be expelled from the Party on decision by the Political Bureau of the Central Committee; a member or alternate member of a local Party committee who has seriously violated the criminal law shall be expelled from the Party on decision by the standing committee of the Party committee at the corresponding level. 

  Article 41. When a Party organization is deciding on a disciplinary measure against a Party member, it should investigate and verify the facts in an objective way. The Party member in question must be informed of a decision regarding any disciplinary measure to be taken and of the facts on which it is based. The person concerned must be given a chance to account for himself or herself and speak in his or her own defense. If the member does not accept the decision, he or she can appeal, and the Party organization concerned must promptly deal with or forward his or her appeal, and must not withhold or suppress it. Those who cling to erroneous views and unjustifiable demands shall be educated by criticism. 

  Article 42. If a Party organization fails to uphold Party discipline, it must be investigated. 

  In case a Party organization seriously violates Party discipline and is unable to rectify the mistake on its own, the next higher Party committee should, after verifying the facts and considering the seriousness of the case, decide on the reorganization or dissolution of the organization, report the decision to the Party committee at the next higher level for examination and approval, and then formally announce and carry out the decision. 

Chapter VIII 

  Party Organs for Discipline Inspection 

  Article 43. The Party's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection functions under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Party. The Party's local commissions for discipline inspection at all levels and primary commissions for discipline inspection function under the dual leadership of the Party committees at the corresponding levels and the next higher commissions for discipline inspection. 

  The Party's commissions for discipline inspection at all levels serve a term of the same duration as the Party committees at the corresponding levels. 

  The Party's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection elects, in plenary session, its standing committee, secretary and deputy secretaries and reports the results to the Central Committee for approval. Local commissions for discipline inspection at all levels elect, at their plenary sessions, their respective standing committees, secretaries and deputy secretaries. The results of the elections are subject to endorsement by the Party committees at the corresponding levels and should be reported to the next higher Party committees for approval. The question of whether a primary Party committee should set up a commission for discipline inspection or simply appoint a discipline inspection commissioner shall be determined by the next higher Party organization in light of the specific circumstances. The committees of general Party branches and Party branches shall have discipline inspection commissioners. 

  The Party's Central Commission for Discipline Inspection shall, when its work so requires, accredit discipline inspection groups or commissioners to Party or state organs at the central level. Leaders of the discipline inspection groups or discipline inspection commissioners may attend relevant meetings of the leading Party organizations in the said organs as non-voting participants. The leading Party organizations in the organs concerned must support their work. 

  Article 44. The main tasks of the Party's commissions for discipline inspection at all levels are as follows: to uphold the Constitution and other statutes of the Party, to check up on the implementation of the line, principles, policies and resolutions of the Party and to assist the respective Party committees in improving the Party's style of work and in organizing and coordinating the work against corruption. 

  The commissions for discipline inspection at all levels shall frequently provide education for Party members on their duty to observe Party discipline and adopt decisions for the upholding of Party discipline; they shall oversee Party members holding leading positions in exercising their power; they shall examine and deal with relatively important or complicated cases of violation of the Constitution or other statutes of the Party by Party organizations or Party members and decide on or rescind disciplinary measures against Party members involved in such cases; they shall deal with complaints and appeals made by Party members; and they shall guarantee the rights of Party members. 

  The commissions for discipline inspection at all levels shall report to the Party committees at the corresponding levels on the results of their handling of cases of special importance or complexity, as well as on the problems encountered. The local commissions for discipline inspection at all levels and primary commissions for discipline inspection shall also present such reports to the higher commissions. 

  If a commission for discipline inspection at any level discovers any violation of Party discipline by a member of the Party committee at the corresponding level, it may take the initial step of verifying the facts and, if it is necessary to put a case on file, it should report to the Party committee at the corresponding level for approval, and if a member of the standing committee of the Party committee is involved, it should first report to the Party committee at the corresponding level and then to the commission for discipline inspection at the next higher level for approval. 

  Article 45. Higher commissions for discipline inspection have the power to examine the work of the lower commissions and to approve or modify their decisions on any case. If decisions so modified have already been ratified by the Party committee at the corresponding level, the modification must be approved by the next higher Party committee. 

  If a local commission for discipline inspection or a primary commission for discipline inspection does not agree with a decision made by the Party committee at the corresponding level in dealing with a case, it may demand the commission at the next higher level reexamine the case; if a local or primary commission discovers cases of violation of Party discipline by the Party committee at the corresponding level or by its members, and if that Party committee fails to deal with them properly or at all, it has the right to appeal to the higher commission for assistance in dealing with such cases. 

Chapter IX 

  Leading Party Members' Groups 

  Article 46. A leading Party members' group may be formed in the leading body of a central or local state organ, people's organization, economic or cultural institution or other non-Party unit. The group plays the role of the core of leadership. Its main tasks are: to see to it that the Party's line, principles and policies are implemented, to discuss and decide on matters of major importance in its unit, to do well in cadre management, to rally the non-Party cadres and the masses in fulfilling the tasks assigned by the Party and the state and to guide the work of the Party organization of the unit and those directly under it. 

  Article 47. The composition of a leading Party members' group is decided by the Party organization that approves its establishment. The group shall have a secretary and, if necessary, deputy secretaries. 

  A leading Party members' group must accept the leadership of the Party organization that approves its establishment. 

  Article 48. Party committees may be set up in state organs which exercise centralized leadership over their subordinate units. The Central Committee of the Party shall provide the specific procedure for their establishment and define their functions, powers and tasks. 

Chapter X 

  Relationship Between the Party and the Communist Youth League of China 

  Article 49. The Communist Youth League of China is a mass organization of advanced young people under the leadership of the Communist Party of China; it is a school where a large number of young people learn about socialism with Chinese characteristics and about communism through practice; it is the Party's assistant and reserve force. The Central Committee of the Communist Youth League functions under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Party. The local chapters of the Communist Youth League are under the leadership of the Party committees at the corresponding levels and of the higher organizations of the League itself. 

  Article 50. Party committees at all levels must strengthen their leadership over Communist Youth League organizations and pay attention to selecting and training League cadres. The Party must firmly support the Communist Youth League in the lively and creative performance of its work to suit the characteristics and needs of young people, and give full play to the League's role as a shock force and as a bridge linking the Party with young people. 

  Those secretaries of League committees at or below the county level or in enterprises and institutions who are Party members may attend meetings of Party committees at the corresponding levels and meetings of their standing committees as non-voting participants. 

Chapter XI 

  Party Emblem and Flag 

  Article 51. The emblem of the Communist Party of China is a design of sickle and hammer. 

  Article 52. The flag of the Communist Party of China is a red flag highlighted by a golden Party emblem on it. 

  Article 53. The Party emblem and flag are the symbol and sign of the Communist Party of China. Party organizations at all levels and all Party members shall safeguard the sanctity of the Party emblem and flag. Party emblems and flags should be made and used according to regulations.